When Republicans
gather for their next debate Tuesday, one of the main issues all the
candidates should be required to address is what each thinks of the
controversial statements and arguments that Donald Trump has made
about how to fight ISIS.
Trump has a habit of
taking campaign rhetoric to more dramatic places. In response to the horrific
series of attacks conducted by ISIS, Trump kept saying things that led
observers to ask whether he had finally reached the tipping point of going so
far that there would be an electoral backlash.
Last week, Trump
said that he would ban all Muslimsfrom traveling to the United States. He has
called for a federal registry of Muslims, while also promising to "take
out" the families of terrorists. Trump says he would bring back the use of
waterboarding. If it didn't work, well, "they deserve it anyway," he
said. Trump has complained that Americans are too politically sensitive about
profiling people who could be potential terrorist threats and "that's part
of the problem we have with our country."
There has been a
noticeably tough response from Republicans. "We need to aggressively take
on radical Islamic terrorism but not at the expense of our American
values," said RNC Chairman Reince Priebus. "This is not
conservatism," said House Speaker Paul Ryan.
But some are
skeptical about where the GOP stands. The New York Times editorial board
published a blistering piece about Trump's influence, writing,
"The Republican rivals rushing to distance themselves from his latest
inflammatory proposal ... have been peddling their own nativist policies for
months or years. They have been harshening their campaign speeches and
immigration proposals in response to the Trump effect."
Trump's embrace of
the politics of fear is not that surprising. There is a long tradition in
campaigns of candidates who have played to the worst sentiments of the
electorate during times when there are serious national security threats.
Playing to fears can
help candidates gain attention from the news media and the electorate, and it
offers an easy way to depict their opposition as incapable of leading.According to a recent New York Times/CBS News poll, fears
of terrorism have boosted Trump's position.
History's lessons
Historically, when
politicians recklessly use the politics of fear, bad things happen. On the most
basic level, damaging rhetoric results in injustices being committed to
innocent citizens. For example, World War I had a devastating impact on many
German-Americans. Other immigrant groups were harassed and saw their loyalty
questioned. In April 1918, Robert Prager, a German coal miner who had applied
for U.S. citizenship, was lynched by a mob. In 1919 and 1920, Attorney General
Mitchell Palmer led a massive crackdown on individuals and groups associated
with the left during the "red scare." In the years that followed,
nativism fused with anti-communism to produce a severe crackdown on
immigration.
Japanese-Americans
were forced to live in internment camps during World War II, an action that has
remained a huge black mark on Franklin Roosevelt's record as commander in
chief, as was his adminstration's refusal to admit Jewish refugees who were
desperately fleeing from Nazi Germany.
In 1968, George
Wallace's independent campaign for president stirred up racial and social
resentment against the gains on racial equality and civil rights in the 1960s.
There are also
political dangers for the Republican Party in using this kind of rhetoric, even
though it often seems appealing in the short term. For decades, Democrats paid
the price for being the party that intensified the war in Vietnam.
In the early 1980s,
when Ronald Reagan used pointed language to speak about the "Evil
Empire" of the Soviet Union, advisers urged him to be more proactive in
pursuing peace after fears emerged in 1983 of the possibility of a nuclear war.
President George W. Bush'swar in Iraq dragged down his presidency. It is
not clear right now, even if polls temporarily show support for ground troops
in Syria, that the nation would really be willing to take on another protracted
ground war that will cost human lives and a big chunk of our national budget.
Finally, there are
huge policy dangers that come from this kind of fear strategy, as it has
historically stimulated a dynamic that drives political parties into poor
decision-making. This undermines the nation's ability to effectively combat
threats.
During the 1950s, too
many members of both parties sat by silently as Joseph McCarthy and his allies
cast an extraordinarily wide net in the search for alleged communists in the
United States, violating civil liberties and damaging lives in the process.
These actions polarized and divided a nation otherwise united in the fight
against communism.
Opposition might have
made a life-saving difference
Republican attacks on
Democrats for being weak on communism were part of the drive that led John F.
Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson deeper into Vietnam. The war brought little benefit
to Western allies and only undermined confidence in the American Cold War
strategy. Fast forward to 2002 and 2003, when many Democrats were skeptical
about the necessity for the war in Iraq, but many were fearful about not
appearing to stand firm as they read the electoral tea leaves. Stronger and
more forceful opposition might have checked the nation's move toward this
conflict.
The politics of fear
can be a dangerous thing on many levels. Even though many people have been
critical of the type of restrained and cautious approach shown by President
Obama in recent weeks after attacks in Paris and San Bernardino, there is
something to be said to having the parties contain some of their most basic
political impulses when dealing with these matters.
Given how far Trump
is taking this issue, it is incumbent on the debate moderators to let the
voters know exactly where the faces of the GOP stand on these kinds of
questions. Right now questions have been raised about the difference between
Trump and the rest of the GOP. It will be important for the Republican
candidates to state clearly and decisively where they stand on the many
statements that Trump has made.
No comments:
Post a Comment